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UNRWA |
Briefing by UNRWA
Commissioner-General Karen AbuZayd
Capitol Hill
May 7 2008
I extend my warm
appreciation to Congressman Kucinich for kindly organising this hearing.
Thanks also to his staff for their help in preparing it.
The invitation reflects a growing interest on Capitol Hill in the United
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).
The Congressman’s invitation, and your participation, provide a welcome
opportunity for me to brief on UNRWA’s work, and update you on the grim
situation in the West Bank and, in particular, the Gaza Strip.
To my regret, the
Arab-Israeli conflict remains a divisive issue here in Washington.
But I think it is equally true that in our nation’s capital, there is a
tireless commitment to finding humanitarian solutions to the many tragedies this
conflict creates.
There are many expressions
of this commitment. The most
significant is the US Government’s humanitarian assistance to the Palestine
refugees. In bipartisan spirit, the
US Congress and every Presidential Administration have generously supported
UNRWA since 1950, when it began assisting Palestine refugees who fled or were
forced out of their homes during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.
UNRWA’s investment in the
human resources of the refugees has helped promote their self-reliance and
enterprise, and the peaceful economic development of their communities.
This United Nations mandate is in line with deep-rooted foreign policy
objectives of the United States.
The US has long been the
largest bilateral donor to the Agency. In
2007 it contributed $154 million; approximately $90 million was allocated for
our regular operating budget and some projects, and $63 million for emergency
services in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Lebanon. In 2008 UNRWA anticipates
roughly the same level of funding.
I would like to say a few
words about our use of such funds, and the track record of cost effectiveness
that has helped sustain US confidence in UNRWA. Our
regular budget funds the main services we provide to 4.4 million refugees in
Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
UNRWA is the principal education and primary health provider for these
refugees. In that sense, UNRWA is
“quasi-governmental”.
In education:
We enroll 485,000 children
in our 650 gender-balanced schools, built and run by UNRWA with US and other
donor support.
We employ over 20,000
teachers. Our educational
innovations are unique in the region. We
established the first women’s vocational training center in the Middle East in
1962, thereby encouraging their social mobility.
And we have integrated a
Human Rights, Tolerance and Peaceful Conflict Resolution programme into all our
schools.
In health:
We vaccinate approximately
100,000 infants a year, and have brought infant mortality rates down to among
the lowest in the entire Middle East
Our pre and post-natal care
has similarly reduced maternal mortality associated with childbirth to among the
lowest rates in the region.
Our achievements, however,
are being placed increasingly at risk by funding that fails to keep up with
needs, and more recently the Dollar’s decline and rising food and energy
prices. This year we expect a
funding gap in our regular budget of $98 million.
We have been facing major funding gaps for over a decade.
The US contribution, though
generous, has declined relative to overall contributions; it accounted for 25%
in 2004, and has slipped now to 17%. We
are making efforts to raise the share to previous levels.
Without increased donor
support, we fear for the stability of our operations and the quality of
essential services we provide to the refugees.
Gaza Strip and West Bank
I would like to turn to our
emergency operations in the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank, where conditions are
worsening by the day for the refugees, whom constitute close to half the
population. While I struck a note of
concern about UNRWA’s financial health above, the gravest concern we confront
now as an Agency is the critical humanitarian situation in those areas, in
particular Gaza, whose social and economic fabric is unraveling.
In Gaza, 1.5 million people,
half of them under the age of 16, have been cut off from the outside world.
This is the direct result of a “closure” policy imposed by Israel,
which has long cited security concerns as its basis.
Closure intensified after the takeover of Gaza by Hamas in June 2007.
The closure of Gaza, and
Israel’s continuing military operations, are turning a once outward-looking
and cosmopolitan culture in on itself.
The consequences for peace are grim.
This is a key point I wish to convey.
Those suffering the most are not extremists, but the civilian population.
The economic impact of the
“closure” is devastating. Gaza
now can not export anything it manufactures, and its imports have been reduced
to a trickle.
80,000 Palestinians have
lost their jobs within the last year; up to 90% of Gaza’s industries have shut
down.
In addition to the
commercial closure of Gaza, the population of Gaza is largely prohibited from
leaving via Israel and Egypt.
This has severed family
ties, and prevented education abroad.
It has denied many
Palestinians access to critical medical treatment. [A significant number of
Palestinians have died as a result since mid-2007].
Recently, the closure
worsened. The supply of electricity
from Israel into Gaza was reduced in October 2007, and since 10 April 2008 the
Israeli authorities stopped fuel imports. The
cumulative effect on Gaza has been deplorable.
Bread is scarce - flour
mills cannot operate;
Cooking gas is not available
to most. Many Gazans have reverted
to cooking on wood-fired stoves. There
is little wood in Gaza.
Most vehicles, including 20%
of Gaza’s ambulances, are not running
The fishing industry is
decimated. In 1999 Gazans caught 304 tonnes of fish per month.
In March 2008 the catch was 4 tonnes.
Water, sewerage and waste
treatment facilities have been crippled; over 50 million litres of raw sewage
has been pumped into the Mediterranean, and sewage lakes are forming in Gaza
City.
Mechanised garbage
collection has stopped; there is a growing risk of disease and rodent
infestation
Gaza’s central pharmacy
lacks fuel to refrigerate cold-storage medications;
The UN has not been spared
the consequences of the cut in fuel supplies, despite repeated appeals to
Israeli authorities – with whom, I would like to stress, we maintain good
relations and regular contact at both working and senior levels.
The recent rupture in fuel
supply forced UNRWA to suspend its food distribution to 650,000 refugees for
four days in late April, after it ran out of fuel and the Israeli authorities
failed to re-supply it. This was a
first in UNRWA’s history.
I am pleased to report,
however, that on 5 May Israel released 3 weeks worth of fuel to UNRWA which has
enabled us to resume our food distribution.
This is an important and constructive step taken by the Israeli
authorities.
However we remain deeply
concerned about the stability of fuel supply after the events of the last week.
Other imports, including raw
materials for UN construction projects, remain blocked from entry.
These imports are required to strengthen or build infrastructure such as
sewage and water networks. $213
million in projects have been forced to a halt for months, with potentially
serious implications for public health in Gaza.
The UN recognises that
threats to Israel’s security are all too real.
The recent killings of Israeli civilians by armed Palestinians at Nahal
Oz are tragic evidence, as are the Qassam attacks on Southern Israel. Israel’s
security, however, must be maintained in line with international law.
The UN has taken a clear
position on Gaza; the crossings with Israel and Egypt must be open to human and
commercial traffic, with due precautions for Israel’s security taken into
account. Their closure is tantamount
to collective punishment.
Before my concluding
remarks, I draw attention briefly to the West Bank. Conditions are not as acute
as in Gaza, but hardships accumulate daily.
To improvise on a phrase used by the World Bank: the West Bank is a
“shattered” economic and social space.
The UN recently estimated
600 road blocks and other impediments to movement – up from the 2007 average
of 550.
40% of its territory is off
limits to Palestinians
Impediments to the movement
of both the UN and Palestinians at major transit points are increasing: we see
this as a “crisis of access”, in which, for example, 12 commercial crossings
from Israel into the West Bank currently open to UNRWA will be reduced to 4.
This could hinder UNRWA’s services to almost 800,000 refugees in the
West Bank.
Conclusion
In 2003, the World Bank
estimated that losses to the Palestinian economy during the intifada exceeded
those of the US during the Great Depression of the late 1920s.
Five years on, the economic devastation has worsened.
I live and work in Gaza.
I moved there in 2000, just before the Intifada began.
I saw an enterprising society connecting to the outside world and on its
way to reducing poverty and despair. It is now an impoverished society;
enterprise has been strangled by closure, and despair is rampant.
Gaza’s poverty rate has
tripled. Almost 80% of the
population is dependent on external assistance.
In 1999 it was under 10%.
I strongly believe it is not
in anyone’s interests to see an aid-dependent society full of desperate people
take root in Gaza. The same is true
of the West Bank. To be sure, the UN
recognises that the pre-eminence of Hamas in Gaza is threatening to Israel, and
poses a challenge to a resumption of the peace process.
But the international
community also agrees that the peace process must resume, and that Gaza can not
be excluded. As one Israeli official
recently put it, no one wants a “three-state solution”.
In the absence of a
sustained peace process, UNRWA continues to apply a band aid to refugees
suffering from conflict, and to invest in the human capital of the refugees and
the stability of their communities throughout the region.
We are counting on the proven generosity of the US Government, and our
other partners, to be able to do so.
Thank you.